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Through the Lanes of Longwa

On one of the extreme north-eastern corners of our country, lies an exceptional village known as Longwa, that shares its border with Myanmar, as well as grants the inhabitants of the village dual citizenship. We must have read in social science books that our country does not grant dual citizenship, but this village is an only exception as its residents enjoy this rare privilege, since some things permeate the physical boundaries of a political border. Under the Free Movement Regime (FMR), the residents of Longwa can go upto 16 kilometres from the border and stay upto 14 days without having to go through any formal visa arrangements. They are also allowed to trade, participate in festivals or social and cultural activities, on either side of the border.

Longwa is located in the Mon district of Nagaland, roughly a three hours ride from the centre of Mon town. The residents belong to the Konyak tribe of Nagaland, who were famous for being warriors and head-hunters, till they converted into Christianity around the 1960s. The last generation of head-hunters still reside in various villages of Mon district. Currently, 21 former head-hunters reside in Longwa, all of them in their eighties and nineties now. They possess the signature face tattoos and wear a heavy necklace with brass skulls to signify the numbers of heads they have hunted. Only the warriors who dared to bring their Angh the heads of their enemies, were honoured with a face tattoo, as a symbol of bravery. Konyaks were amongst the last tribes of Nagaland to convert into Christianity. 

The road to Longwa is surprisingly smooth, barring some potholes, thanks to the Konyak students’ union, as some residents mentioned, it was the young students who first initiated the construction of the paved road. It is an uphill ride through the hills and a lush green landscape, where it keeps getting colder according to the elevation. Longwa is located at an elevation of 1500 metres. The silence throughout the dense forests can be either soothing or eerie, but when ears are lent attentively, a myriad variety of birds can be heard, ornithologists can identify even, the chirpings are so clear and distinct.

Traces of the existence of Longwa village goes back to the 16th century, way before the British government drew the political borders, or even the birth of the independent states of India and Myanmar. It was in the year 1971 that both the nations decided to demarcate the boundary line through the middle of Longwa. The border pillar was erected with inscriptions written both in Hindi as well as Burmese, on either side.

Writing or reading about this kind of border demarcation gives the political perspective a lot more emphasis, perhaps even making it appear as something extremely peculiar; but for the actual people living out there, from the socio-cultural perspective, it is simply a way of life – mundane, stable and peaceful. In a very subtle manner, this shows how human bonds matter more than artificial lines of cartography.

The people of Longwa have never made a big deal out of this border situation and continue to live in harmony. This also sheds light on the deep bonding and solidarity within the people of the tribe as well as their capacity to adapt to the changing geopolitical scenario of the modern world. The nearest town on the Myanmar side is called Lahe, which falls under the Naga Self-Administered Zone of Sagaing Division. People casually walk across the border to collect woods, send children to school, buy groceries, meet friends or family and so on. It is also a common sight to see men riding around the village in Kenbo or Canda motorcycles, which they procure from Myamnar – these motorcycles are made in China and usually imported in Myanmar. These motorbikes are a huge hit amongst the villagers as an affordable and reliable mode of transportation for carrying supplies across villages. 

Longwa is the largest village in the remote Mon district. There are approximately 6000-7000 people residing as of now, who speak the Longwa dialect fluently (Every village in Mon district has their own dialect that is known by the village’s name only). Some of the people can also hold conversations in Nagamese and English languages. There are five schools in the village at present and one more private school is under construction. Burmese language is also taught in the schools, so the children usually grow up to be multilingual.

Apart from the government and private schools for formal education, there is also the presence of the morung – an institution of the Nagas, where young unmarried men learn the basics of the social, cultural and religious life, as well as skills related to craftsmanship and warfare. It is considered as one of the most significant markers of the Naga cultural heritage. Inside a morung, elders would pass on all their life learnings through stories, customs and rituals, generation after generation. Morungs can be loosely translated as “youth dormitories” and every Naga tribe has their own distinct pattern of a morung. There are a total of seven morungs in the whole village of Longwa. In the present times, with the advent of Christianity, the original functions of a morung has reduced drastically, but people still keep the essence of a morung alive.

The entire village, consisting of both sides, is ruled by the hereditary Chief (or Angh) Tonyei Phawang, who happens to be the 10th generation Chief of Longwa. The international border cuts through the middle of Angh’s house, with the right side in India and left side in Myanmar (from the front). It indeed is a unique sight to watch. Inside the Angh’s house, there lay quite some old Konyak artefacts; in one of the corners of the huge kitchen, souvenirs are kept on display, which is also for sale. One can also buy souvenirs special to the Konyak artistry, made by residents of the village themselves - such as bead jewellery, bamboo craftworks, wooden sculptures and so on.

As the headhunting and fighting practices have subsided within the community, people of Longwa have started to focus more on their cultural heritage and how to sustain its significance – by preserving their rich history, one of a kind cultural tapestry, brilliant craftsmanship, songs and dances enacting stories from their past practices, which are getting passed on across the generations as oral history.

The Konyaks are known to be brilliant craftsmen, skilled at wooden and bamboo works. Skulls are the most common carvings, seen almost everywhere, owing to the prior headhunting practice of the tribe. Every house has these wooden sculptures, welcoming at their door or on the dining table edges, with carvings that relate to stories and rituals from their ancestors. These handicrafts are extensively made by the people of Longwa, as an effort by the people to sustain their heritage along with an honest income. 

“All wooden sculptures that you see have some story. Storytelling is the main objective behind everything we make.”, suggests Nokao Longsa, a young man who envisions building a museum in Longwa one day, to commemorate the Konyak history and tradition under one roof. “We mostly use the wood of peen tree. This is what we call the tree in Longwa dialect. I do not know what that tree is called in English.”, informs Nokao, who is also a great communicator and helps the older craftsmen with selling their sculptures, by getting them in touch with tourists or researchers who visit Longwa. He goes on to add, “There are around twenty-five to thirty wood carvers in Longwa now.” Wood is used to make almost everything – houses, pillars, panels, benches, chairs, tables and so on. Even rifles are made with this wood. Rifles are common amongst the Konyaks and a part of their tradition, almost every household has one rifle, which is used only during rituals. “Royal families possess wooden log drums whose heads usually have the carving of an animal. These log drums can last many generations and are usually kept at the front doors to signify the family’s status.”, Nokao shares as he points towards the log drum kept in front of his front door.

As we can conclude, storytelling is a huge aspect of the Konyaks and that becomes excessively evident during the harvest time in the first week of April, when they celebrate the annual Aoleang festival with anecdotes passed on by their ancestors – keeping alive the stories through dancing, singing, feasting and praying. The people enact scenes from battles or other acts of bravery that honour their ancestors, the traditional fighting skills and weaponry are displayed as a performance. Apart from days of festivities, even on regular days, Longwa has a character of its own. The people here are aware of their distinct cultural heritage and thrive on mutual respect. Explorers and curiosity seekers shall surely be satisfied with the warm hospitality of the Konyaks in Longwa.  


Author: Avidha Raha

A Few Weeks with Head Hunters

It is 1968. I am working with Pat, Subrata Patranobis. There is a knock at the door. The peon whispers - Abhi sab, ‘aapko bara sahab talab kiya’.

I enter Desla’s room. There are no empty chairs. So, I sit on his table. That is quite usual. We call him Desla out of love and regard, He is an outstanding journalist, an artist of quintessential quality and a world class photographer. Desmond Doig, himself is an outward-bound person. His travelogues and memoirs enchant all. He speaks Nepali fluently and a little bit of Assamese too. After the short meeting, he tells me to meet him in the evening at his house. He lives on the 8th floor and uses the stairs both ways!

I take the lift. He is painting. We begin to talk. Tea arrives. Dubby (Bhagat) is there. He joins us. Desla tells us stories of head hunters.

‘Your tea is piss cold,’ Dubby remarks.

I take a sip. Desla takes black tea with lemon and honey. I prefer black tea.

I ask him about his Himalayan adventures. He shares his experience with Sir John Hunt in the team that first scaled the Everest. He and Sir Edmond Hillary are great friends. The phone rings. It is Tenzing Norgay. What a coincidence. They talk on the phone in fluent Nepali. Desla opens an almirah with two 100 watts bulbs inside that he never switches off. He brings out a Leica camera. This is one of the two Leica cameras from his Everest expedition.

‘Take this. It’s for you.’

I find it difficult to believe. Am I dreaming? A camera and that too a Leica being given to me by a person who is a member of the first team that went up the Everest.

I have no words to thank him. A ‘thank you’ is an insult to this person. He casually asks me if I am interested in going to Nagaland.

‘It’ll be two or more trips.’

‘Why not’? I reply. He has that enchanting smile.

I have to go to Nagaland and take photographs. He has friends in Nagaland in the seats of power. He, being a British citizen, is not allowed to take photographs. He has an article but no photographs. He is particularly interested in the Konyak head hunters. But it will take time. For coordination, I’ll need to go to Kohima.

Desla gives me several letters to people in prominent positions.

My job is to meet them and learn the dos and don’ts. Each of them talks to me for hours.


I have to behave in a way by which they treat me as a friend.

I am warned not to stray out in the evenings. I am also warned not to go anywhere without an escort. I take photographs if I spot the photography- prohibited board. There are places where I think the No Photography notice is a big joke. I have this uncanny habit of doing things that someone forbids me to do. I go to places that are marked out of bounds. I do what I feel like. I am certain news of my misdeeds will reach him. On return, fearing a rebuke in front of the whole office, I duck for a couple of days. The inevitable note arrives.

It is nearly five months before I go to Nagaland again. This time, my friend, Basudeb Mookerji accompanies me. Basudeb from the advertising domain, is also half mad like me. Instead of travelling to places of tourist interest, he decides to rough it out with me. Both of us know what lies ahead. We know we have to endure a lot of discomfort and certainly some risks.

We reach Jorhat only to find that there is no transport available to take us to Mokukchung.

A friend of my father is a lawyer in Jorhat. His client supplies material to Mokukchung. He has a Tata truck. But the driver is on leave. He has no idea when the driver is likely to return. He agrees to allow us to drive the truck to Mokukchung provided we deliver his material. We agree. So, we drive the


loaded truck all the way to Mokukchung through the winding roads and through a layer of dirt and mist.

From Mokukchung, we have to go to Tuensang. This is end of 1968 and there is hardly any proper track or surface one can describe as a road. We met Rajender Singh Bedi who is an Extra Assistant Commissioner. A young sardarji, a few years older than us, he is also, in a way, mad like us.


The three mads get in to his jeep that is carrying some 8 large bags of salt and a naga bare bodied guy with feathers on his head. So, there are no seats, we sit on the salt sacks. As we bounce along, we notice how differently the old and the young react.

The hilly winding road passes through dense jungle. Raj’s driver is Bhim. He has some other name but Bedi prefers to call him Bhim.


The jeep hardly has any brake and slows down on the hilly tracks after Bhim’s rapid 5-6 pumps on the brake. He tells me, ‘Only five pumps Sir’. And en route, we have at least 7-8 tyre punctures. There are no spare wheels.

Each time, Bhim repairs the tyre using the crudest instruments. Not once but several times the jeep’s completely bald tyres get no traction from the jungle path and needs human power.

 

Bedi has a two-room bamboo wall tin roof bungalow a few kilometers from Wakchung. One room is his office and the other is where he has a ‘char

paiya’ cot to sleep. All of us sleep on the floor in our sleeping bags.

Almost daily we walk miles up and down the adjoining 

hills to reach some village. We go to Mon and Chui and even beyond. At most places, the Aang, leader offers us fly


infested ‘madhu’, the local drink, in a hollow horn, and there is no way we can refuse.

 

There is always a fire burning inside the huts and often we see something being roasted. In one house, the Ang or the village head offers me a bite. It is a rat that is being roasted on the fire. Bedi whispers to me in English, ‘Don’t refuse.’

So, it is some kind of a test that I need to pass. I remember my friend P C Sorcar – how I wish he was with me… time I learn some magic. Late in the afternoon, we walk across to the hut of the Chief Headhunter.

He stands proudly in front of the wooden racks.

I count. There are more than 300 human skulls.

‘There were many more. The last head hunt was 20 years ago’ – he says and Bedi translates.

‘The young don’t have the courage anymore.’

Thank God for that!

A moth flies in and sits on his shoulder. At lightning speed, he grabs it and puts it in his mouth.

‘Good for health.’ Bedi nods.

 His black, tattooed face and the axe he carries in his hand give me the jitters.

Yet, he is calm and quite friendly. When he smiles, I see black teeth. He shows me a piece of wood with four horns on top and a lock of hair dangling beneath it.

‘The hair belongs to a girl I killed long ago.’

‘I used to wear it when I went headhunting. Good old days. And as the hairs swayed against my thigh

muscles, it pumped blood and gave me strength to fight evil spirits. Those days are all gone.’

 The young arrives. Each of them carries a spear and an axe. One has a muzzle loader. Their faces are tattooed black. More than one has a .12 bore bullet case in their earlobes. Having seen so many persons with .12 bore bullets in their ear-lobes, I gather this is the substitute sign of bravery and manliness.


The old man peers at my camera. Bedi explains that it will not cast any spell on him or his grandson. It will make him known across the hills as a great hunter. That pleases him. How pleased he is I find in a moment. He orders for an axe.

A brand new axe appears from inside his hut.

He presents me with the lock of hair and the axe.

‘Tell them I am a good hunter.’


 

Author: Abhijit Dasgupta

The Craftmanship of the Kukis

The Kukis in Nagaland are known for their vibrant handicraft traditions, deeply rooted in their cultural heritage. Their craftsmanship reflects both functionality and artistic expression, blending traditional techniques with natural materials like bamboo, metal, wood, and natural fibres. Among their crafts, basketry, metalwork, and jewellery stand out as distinctive forms of their creative ingenuity.

Basketry is an integral part of Kuki handicrafts, characterized by intricate designs and utilitarian value. Using locally sourced bamboo and cane, Kuki artisans weave baskets that serve various purposes, from agricultural storage to household use. Their baskets are crafted with precision, showcasing geometric patterns. The durability and lightweight nature of these baskets make them indispensable in daily life.

Metalwork is another hallmark of Kuki craftsmanship. Artisans expertly forge tools, utensils, and decorative items using traditional blacksmithing techniques passed down through generations. Their work includes creating intricate patterns on blades, spears, and household implements, often highlighting symbolic designs reflective of Kuki culture. Functional items like tools are crafted with durability in mind, while decorative pieces demonstrate their artistic prowess.

Kuki jewellery is a blend of aesthetics and cultural significance, crafted from materials like brass, beads, and natural stones. Necklaces, earrings, and bangles often feature bold, symmetrical patterns and vibrant colours. These pieces are not only personal adornments but also carry cultural meaning, symbolizing identity, status, and connection to their heritage. Jewellery is often worn during traditional dances and festivals, enhancing the vibrancy of their attire.


Basketry

Kuki baskets are primarily made from locally sourced bamboo and cane, chosen for their strength, flexibility, and abundance. The craftsmanship involves precise cutting, splitting, and weaving of bamboo strips, ensuring durability while maintaining a lightweight structure. Each basket showcases a tight weave, indicative of the artisans' skill and the importance of functionality. Conical baskets, with sturdy bases, are designed for carrying goods, often strapped to the back using rope or straps. Their narrow tops and broad bases ensure even weight distribution, making them practical for agricultural or household use. Smaller, hanging baskets, serve versatile purposes, from storing food grains to holding personal items. These are adorned with simple yet effective geometric patterns that speak of functionality blended with artistry. Open-weave designs, often used for ventilation, are ideal for perishable goods like vegetables. These highlight the artisans' understanding of practical needs and material properties. Rice is a staple food among the Kukis, and the preparation of rice is intertwined with cultural rituals and daily sustenance. The Kuki community's basketry tradition includes not only baskets for carrying and storage but also functional tools like sieves, which play an essential role in traditional rice processing. Sieves are, therefore, indispensable tools in every household. They are not just functional but symbolic of the agricultural heritage and traditional wisdom of the community. The sieves, typically made of bamboo, are finely woven with a flat, circular design to separate rice grains from husks, dirt, or other impurities. The tightly interlaced bamboo strips form a surface sturdy enough to hold rice but porous enough to allow smaller debris to fall through.

The use of natural, biodegradable materials like bamboo and cane highlights the sustainability of Kuki crafts. Kuki basketry remains a testament to the community's resourcefulness, creativity, and harmony with nature.


Blacksmithing

Blacksmithing is an essential craft among the Kukis. Kuki blacksmiths, traditionally skilled in forging iron and metal, produce various tools and weapons necessary for agriculture, hunting, and household use. The most significant of these is the Dao (machete), a multipurpose blade that is indispensable to Kuki livelihood.

The Dao, a broad, heavy machete, is one of Naga blacksmith's most iconic metal tools. It serves multiple purposes, including : agriculture – used for clearing forests, cutting bamboo, and harvesting crops; hunting & butchering – essential for hunting animals, preparing meat and used for traditional practises like headhunting in the olden days.

The blade is typically forged from iron, with a sharp, single-edged design for efficient cutting. The handle is crafted from wood or bamboo, often reinforced with cane wrapping for durability and grip. Some daos feature intricate carvings or engravings on the handle, showcasing the artisan’s skill and aesthetic sense.

Apart from the dao, Kuki blacksmiths also create spears, knives and daggers, sickle etc. The dao and other metal tools are not just functional but hold cultural significance. They play a role in ceremonies and rituals, particularly in warrior traditions and hunting practices. In contemporary times, Kuki blacksmiths continue to forge daos and other metal tools, though modernization has led to adaptations in terms of its use.


Jewellery

The Kuki’s showcase a variety of traditional ornaments, including metal bangles and bead necklaces, each reflecting a unique craftsmanship. Their signature spiral metal bangles are made from brass featuring intricate engravings. These bangles are worn by Kuki women as everyday accessories and also as part of their ceremonial attire. Other metal ornaments like thick round anklets or armlets, emphasize the community’s inclination towards bold, sturdy designs, which are often linked to strength and resilience.

The beaded necklaces are colourful and woven with black, green, crimson, blue and white beads, following a meticulous pattern. Beadwork is an essential aspect of Kuki jewellery, with each colour and pattern holding symbolic meaning, often representing social status, marital status or even tribal lineage. Beadwork patterns are inspired by local flora and fauna, holding cultural value and often passed down as heirlooms worn at significant community events.



Author: Tanisha Zaman

The Art of Kuki Weaving

Kuki weaving is known for its rich colors and intricate designs, with each piece carrying deep cultural meaning. Traditional wraparounds and shawls are usually black or white, but no two are exactly the same. Every clan has its own unique patterns and motifs, some of which are reserved for special ceremonies or high-ranking members. These designs reflect the diversity and identity of the Kuki people.

Shawls hold great cultural importance and are worn during festivals and rituals. Some feature patterns that tell stories of the past, depicting myths, legends, or the natural world. Many designs draw inspiration from animals, trees, and rivers, showing the Kukis’ deep connection to nature.

Each clan has its signature weaving style. The Thangnang and Saipikhup shawls are especially popular and are woven by hand with great care. For men, the Ponve shawl is an important garment, often draped over the shoulders during special occasions. Its geometric patterns symbolize nature, animals or tribal legends and certain designs are worn only by respected leaders in the community.

For women, the Khamtang is a traditional wrap-around skirt. It is woven with vibrant stripes, zigzag patterns, and nature-inspired motifs like flowers and birds. Women pair it with a fitted blouse and an embroidered shawl similar to the Ponve. These shawls are decorated with clan symbols, traditional stories, or beautiful landscapes, making each piece a reflection of heritage and pride.

Kuki textiles are more than just clothing—they represent respect for nature, community bonds and ancestral traditions. Each thread carries the story of the people who weave and wear them, keeping their culture alive for generations to come.


Author: Tanisha Zaman

The Art of Crafting by Konyaks

The Konyak tribe of Nagaland is renowned for its diverse craftsmanship, deeply rooted in their culture and traditions. Skilled in wood carving, they create intricate masks, figures, and Morung (men’s dormitory) decorations, often depicting animals like the hornbill, tiger, and mithun. These carvings serve religious and cultural purposes, symbolizing ancestral connections, valour and protection.

Beadwork plays a crucial role in Konyak identity, with necklaces, bracelets, and waist girdles indicating social status and clan affiliations. The most ornate designs were traditionally reserved for the Angh’s (chief’s) clan, while broad beaded necklaces were worn by women for adornment and modesty. Traditional headdresses, decorated with feathers, beads, and animal horns, symbolize achievements, bravery and leadership.

Pottery is another significant craft, particularly in Tanhai village, where women potters hand-mould clay vessels using traditional techniques. The process involves mining, pounding, and shaping clay using the paddle-and-anvil method. These vessels are primarily plain but hold cultural value in daily and ceremonial use.

Metal crafting, particularly iron-smelting and brass-working, is a historic skill among the Konyaks. They were once skilled gunsmiths, making muzzle guns, spears, and machetes (dao). These weapons, fitted with carved wooden hilts, reflect both artistic and practical excellence. The dao, still widely used, often features intricate blade designs.

Basket weaving a common craft among the Naga’s was also in significant practice among the Konyaks. Using bamboo and cane they were skilled in producing strong, durable functional storage and ceremonial baskets.

Another defining art form is tattooing, which historically signified bravery, social transitions and warrior achievements. Warriors earned facial and neck tattoos upon returning victorious, while women’s tattoos marked puberty and marriage eligibility. The Angh’s wife traditionally oversaw tattooing ceremonies. Though this practice has faded, efforts are being made to document and preserve Konyak tattoo motifs digitally.

The craftsmanship of the Konyaks reflects their deep connection with nature, social hierarchy, and warrior traditions making their artisanal heritage both unique and invaluable.


Woodwork

Wood carving is one of the most revered and intricate crafts among the Konyak tribe of Nagaland. For generations, Konyak artisans have meticulously sculpted wood into masks, figures, and decorative panels, each bearing cultural significance and deep spiritual meaning. These carvings are more than just artistic expressions—they serve as vital symbols of protection, ancestral reverence, and the embodiment of mythological beliefs.

A distinctive feature of Konyak woodcraft is the elaborate ornamentation found in their Morungs (men’s dormitories and communal gathering spaces). The Morungs are decorated with intricate relief carvings that depict animals such as the hornbill, tiger, and mithun (a revered bovine species). These animals are not chosen at random; they symbolize strength, courage, and prosperity. The hornbill, for instance, is regarded as a spiritual messenger and is often associated with warrior traditions. Tiger motifs represent power and leadership, while carvings of mithun heads signify wealth and status.

Apart from animals, Konyak woodworkers create statues of ancestors, deities, and warrior figures, reinforcing their deep-rooted belief in the guidance and protection of spirits. Some of these statues are placed at village entrances or within the Morungs to guard against evil forces. Mythological creatures, believed to possess supernatural powers, are also intricately sculpted, adding to the mystical allure of Konyak artistry.

Konyak artisans use traditional tools such as chisels, adzes, and knives to carve out these designs, ensuring that every detail is precisely rendered. The wood used is typically sourced from hardwood trees, which provide durability and longevity to the carvings. The process involves hand-carving, engraving, and sometimes painting with natural pigments enhancing the aesthetic appeal.

Wood carving remains an essential part of Konyak heritage, serving as both an artistic and spiritual practice. Today, efforts are being made to preserve this craft, ensuring that future generations continue to cherish and practice the extraordinary craftsmanship of their ancestors.


Pottery

Pottery among the Konyak tribe is a traditional craft primarily practiced in Tanhai village of Mon district, Nagaland. Unlike many other pottery traditions that involve the potter’s wheel, Konyak pottery is entirely handmade, relying on age-old techniques passed down through generations. The craft is deeply connected to the agrarian lifestyle of the community, as women potters engage in pottery-making during the post-harvest season, particularly between August and October.

The process begins with the collection of clay (kam), which is usually sourced from nearby deposits. Clay mining is an activity undertaken exclusively by women, and the selection of high-quality clay is crucial for producing durable vessels. Since agriculture dominates the Konyak lifestyle, clay extraction is done between July and October, when the fields are active, ensuring the availability of fresh, moist clay.

Once the clay is collected, it undergoes a thorough preparation process. It is first dried and pounded on a flat stone called ‘longshao’ using a wooden pestle known as ‘sumshumey’. This step ensures that all impurities, such as small stones and plant matter, are removed. Water is gradually added during the pounding process until the clay reaches a soft and pliable consistency, making it ready for shaping.


Unlike modern pottery techniques that use wheels, Konyak pottery employs the paddle-and-anvil method. This technique involves shaping the clay by hand, with the support of a small, smooth stone inside the vessel while an external paddle is used to refine its form. This meticulous process ensures that each vessel attains the desired thickness and durability.

The vessels are usually plain, with minimal decorative elements, although some exceptions exist. They are designed for practical, everyday use, serving purposes such as storing grains, cooking, and fermenting rice beer—an essential part of Konyak cultural gatherings.

Once shaped, the pots are left to dry under the sun for several days before undergoing the firing process. Unlike kilns used in mainstream pottery, Konyak potters rely on open firing methods, where the dried vessels are placed in a controlled fire fueled by wood and dried leaves. The firing process strengthens the clay, making the vessels more resistant to breakage.

Pottery holds cultural significance among the Konyaks, as handcrafted vessels are not just household items but also integral to rituals and communal feasts. Despite the simplicity of Konyak pottery, its craftsmanship reflects a deep connection to nature, self-sufficiency, and sustainable living.

In recent years, the tradition of Konyak pottery has been declining due to modernization and the availability of metal and plastic alternatives. However, local efforts to revive and document the craft have gained momentum, with artisans being encouraged to pass down their knowledge to younger generations. Exhibitions and craft fairs have also helped bring visibility to this unique heritage, ensuring its continuity in the evolving cultural landscape of the Konyak people.


Beadwork and Ornaments

The Konyaks, known for their warrior heritage and intricate craftsmanship, have a distinct tradition of ornamentation that reflects their social status, clan identity, and cultural beliefs. Their adornments, made from beads, bones, animal teeth, shells, brass, and wood, are not merely decorative but hold deep symbolic and ritual significance.

Beadwork is one of the most elaborate forms of Konyak ornamentation. Vibrant necklaces, bracelets, earrings, waist girdles, and sachets are crafted using stones, bones, seeds, and glass beads, often in intricate geometric patterns. Each color and design represents a story, achievement, or lineage. Traditionally, wealthy women wore broad, multi-layered necklaces that covered their bare chests. These necklaces, made with beads strung in symmetrical patterns, signified status and prosperity. Beaded waist girdles, adorned with metal or shell accents, were reserved for prestigious women in the community. Konyak men wore small, multi-colored beaded sachets, often slung across the shoulder. These sachets, which held small items or charms, featured designs that were exclusive to certain clans, particularly the Angh’s (chief’s) clan. The colors and motifs used in beadwork are deeply symbolic. Red and black beads often symbolize strength and bravery, while white beads are associated with purity and social harmony. Certain motifs depict animals, weapons, or tribal myths, signifying the wearer’s achievements or status.

Traditional Konyak headdresses are some of the most visually striking elements of their ornamentation. These elaborate headpieces are worn during festivals, war dances, and ceremonies, signifying bravery, leadership, and warrior achievements. Made from hornbill feathers, wild animal horns and dyed cane, these headpieces were once exclusive to headhunters and tribal warriors. The number of feathers often indicated a warrior’s success in battle. Some headdresses featured Mithun (buffalo) horns or wild boar tusks, representing the strength and fierceness of the wearer. Certain headdresses were reserved for chiefs (Anghs) and war heroes, adorned with beads, shells, and brass fittings.

The Konyaks are skilled metalworkers, producing unique brass and iron ornaments that enhance their attire. Women and warriors wore brass pendants, shaped like tigers, human skulls, or mythical creatures, symbolizing power and ancestral connection. Small brass bells were also incorporated into necklaces and girdles, producing a rhythmic sound during dances. Handcrafted iron armlets, anklets, and waist chains were worn by both men and women, signifying military prowess or social hierarchy. Warrior belts, worn by renowned warriors, were crafted from brass plates and animal bones, reinforcing their warrior status.

Ornamentation among the Konyaks also incorporates elements from nature and ancestors, blending spirituality with artistry. Necklaces and earrings made from tiger claws, bear teeth, or wild boar tusks were trophies of bravery, signifying successful hunts or battles. Cowrie shells, associated with wealth and fertility, were used in hair ornaments, belts, and bracelets. In contemporary times, metal and wooden jewelry replicating traditional Konyak tattoo motifs has gained popularity as a way to preserve ancestral artistry.

While traditional Konyak ornamentation was deeply ceremonial and status-driven, it has evolved in modern times. Today, Konyak jewelry and accessories are sought after not only by tribal members but also by collectors and fashion enthusiasts. Festivals such as the Aoling Festival provide an opportunity for Konyak artisans to showcase and sell handcrafted jewelry to visitors, helping preserve this unique heritage. The ornamentation of the Konyaks remains a testament to their warrior ethos, social structure, and artistic mastery, keeping their cultural identity alive through generations.


Metalwork

The Konyak Naga’s are renowned for their exceptional skills in metal crafting, which is connected with their warrior culture and traditions. Historically, the Konyaks have been metalworkers specializing in a variety of crafts; iron smelting, brass-working and also gunsmithing. Their expertise in creating weaponry is particularly notable. In the past, they sourced iron in rectangular blocks from Myanmar through trade links and used this metal to forge tools and weapons. The process of iron-smithing by hand involves a meticulous technique where the blacksmith heats and shapes the iron through a series of steps, including compressing, engraving, hardening, filing, quenching, polishing, and edging, ensuring both functionality and artistry in the final product. Among their creations, the dao—a large machete—is perhaps the most iconic. Originally designed as a weapon, the dao has evolved into a versatile tool used for various household, agricultural and everyday tasks. The blade is often adorned with intricate designs, and the handle may feature delicate carvings or hair/wool tufts and tassels showcasing the Konyaks' aesthetic sensibilities. In addition to weaponry and tools, the Konyaks are also skilled in making ceremonial and decorative items such as bells, pendants and other ornaments with brass. These pieces, often worn as symbols of status or used as gifts during important cultural events, are highly valued within the tribe. Perhaps the most remarkable aspect of Konyak metalworking is their continued tradition of muzzle gun-making, which has persisted into the present day, keeping alive a unique aspect of their cultural heritage.


Basketry

The Konyak Naga’s are also exceptional in the art of basket weaving, a craft that holds both practical and cultural significance within their community. Konyak baskets are traditionally crafted from bamboo and cane, materials that are abundant in the region. These natural resources are carefully selected for their flexibility and strength, which are essential for creating durable, functional baskets. The weaving process is intricate and requires considerable skill to form tight, sturdy patterns that can withstand the rigours of daily use. The baskets come in various shapes and sizes, designed for different purposes, including storage, carrying goods, and transporting harvested crops. Their utility extends beyond everyday tasks, as baskets also play an important role in traditional ceremonies and rituals. Some baskets are intricately woven and used as offerings or symbols of respect during important cultural events, signifying the Konyaks' deep connection to nature and their environment. The weaving of these baskets is often a communal activity, passed down from generation to generation, preserving not just a craft but a vital part of Konyak identity. These baskets, like many other traditional Konyak items, are valued not only for their functionality but also for their aesthetic appeal, with each piece reflecting the skill and creativity of the weaver.


Tattooing

Tattooing has a long-standing significance for the Konyak tribe of Nagaland, far removed from the modern-day trend of tattoos as a form of self-expression or fashion. For the Konyaks, tattoos represent a deep cultural connection, symbolizing valour, rites of passage, status and their ties to nature. Each tattoo was not just an adornment but a marker of an individual's journey through life, their achievements and their relationship with their community.

The tattooing process was highly ritualistic and gender-specific. Men, particularly warriors, would receive tattoos at different stages of their life, often symbolizing key transitions such as moving from boyhood to manhood or achieving warrior status. Tattoos were typically placed on the chest and arms, with each pattern holding a specific meaning. A man who returned from battle victorious would receive tattoos on his face and neck, marking his bravery and his contribution to the community. In the Konyak culture, bringing the head of an enemy was seen as bringing good spirits to the tribe and thus a victorious warrior would be “decorated” with a new tattoo as a symbol of his courage and success. The Anghs, or tribal leaders, would wear the tiger motif on their backs, reflecting their belief in their own fierceness and power, aligning their identity with the strength of the tiger.

For women, tattoos were also a significant marker of life stages. They would receive tattoos around their knees and legs, signaling the onset of puberty and their readiness for marriage. A woman’s tattooing journey was not just a personal rite but a community affair. Only women with close connections to warrior men, usually those related to warriors, were allowed to get tattooed on their arms and bodies. The tattooing ceremony was organized by the Angh’s wife, who served as the chief tattoo artist, with the help of other women in the village. This communal event was not only a rite of passage but also a demonstration of endurance, as the recipient had to endure considerable pain during the process. The pain was seen as necessary for the person to earn their place within the community. After receiving a tattoo, the individual would adhere to a strict diet and refrain from physical activity until the wounds healed, marking a period of physical and spiritual renewal.

The tattooing tools and materials were entirely handmade, sourced from the forest. The needles were crafted from local materials, and the ink was also prepared from natural resources, connecting the tattooing practice to the Konyak’s deep relationship with their environment. However, as modern life has evolved, the traditional practice of tattooing has declined. Few Konyaks who carry the tattoos of their ancestors are still alive today, and the younger generation's lifestyle has rendered the practice less relevant. Despite this, efforts are being made to preserve this ancient art form. Some Konyaks are working to digitally archive the traditional motifs and styles, ensuring that the history and ethnic values embedded in these tattoos are not lost to time. The conservation of this art form serves as a way to safeguard the rich cultural heritage of the Konyak people and keep alive a tradition that has defined their identity for centuries.

References:-

https://www.ijfmr.com/papers/2023/4/4292.pdf

https://www.vice.com/en/article/headhunters-tribe-nagaland-india-traditional-tattoo-tradition/

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/359585179_Body_Aesthetics_Contextualizing_the_Tattooing_Culture_of_the_Konyak_Naga

https://www.jetir.org/papers/JETIR2009121.pdf


Author: Tanisha Zaman

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